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Impearls: 2004-05-23 Archive Earthdate 2004-05-29
Earthdate 2004-04-23's issue of the journal Science (typically requires subscription or pay-per-view) has a special section on pulsars, which is chock full of interesting information. There are eight parts to the series, but we'll only consider three of those articles here — scroll down or click on the following index:
Scores of extrasolar planetary bodies have been discovered over the past dozen years or so, but it somehow had escaped my notice anyway that the very first such planetary system beyond our own to be discovered orbits round a pulsar. As Robert Irion points out in his piece “The Pulsar Menagerie” in Science's pulsar special: 1 “Indeed, more than 100 other planets are now known, although PSR B1257+12 is still the only burned-out corpse of a dead star known to have a planetary system. […] The masses and relative positions of the three planets are ‘shockingly similar to our inner solar system.’” Shades of Arthur C. Clarke's most poignant short story “The Star”! Impearls has featured several articles recently discussing the testing of Einstein's general relativity (here, here, and here), and it's worth mentioning in this context the pair of neutron stars (one pulsing, one not) orbiting round each other known as the “Hulse-Taylor binary” (PSR B1913+16), discovered in 1974. “[T]he team showed that the two bodies inexorably spiral together, at exactly the rate predicted by Einstein 60 years earlier. Gravitational waves carry away the lost orbital energy. ‘It's indirect, like showing that radio waves exist because you know the radio transmitter uses power,’ Hulse says. ‘But it was the first evidence for the existence of gravitational waves.’” Just earlier this year came the sequel:
Continuing review of the Science series on pulsars, in the article “The Physics of Neutron Stars,” J. M. Lattimer and M. Prakash reveal some of the mind-boggling physics employed by neutron stars (the physical core of pulsars). 2
After a discussion of how neutron stars form (fascinating, with an illuminating diagram), Lattimer and Prakash go on to discuss a proto-neutron star's possible collapse into a black hole.
Lattimer and Prakash proceed to discuss neutron stars' internal structure and composition (also including an illuminating diagram).
Lattimer and Prakash end their review with a discussion of future prospects in neutron star and pulsar physics.
Perhaps the oddest pulsar phenomena which Science's pulsar series delves into is that of those entities known as “magnetars.” As Robert Irion writes in his piece “Crushed by Magnetism”: 3
It was theoreticians who first came up with the concept of neutron stars possessed of magnetic fields of stupendous magnitude.
After initial skepticism from the physics community, Irion notes, “observations won the day.”
Since establishment of magnetars on a firm basis, observational studies have extended the classes of phenomena that magnetars have been invoked to explain.
Fascinating theoretical work has continued as well.
Labels: astronomy, magnetism, pulsars
1 Robert Irion, “The Pulsar Menagerie,” Science, Vol. 304, Issue No. 5670 (Issue dated 2004-04-23), pp. 532-533 [DOI: 10.1126/science.304.5670.532]. 2 J. M. Lattimer and M. Prakash, “The Physics of Neutron Stars,” Science, Vol. 304, Issue No. 5670 (Issue dated 2004-04-23), pp. 536-542 [DOI: 10.1126/science.1090720]. 3 Robert Irion, “Crushed by Magnetism,” Science, Vol. 304, Issue No. 5670 (Issue dated 2004-04-23), pp. 534-535 [DOI: 10.1126/science.304.5670.534]. Impearls: 2004-05-23 Archive Earthdate 2004-05-26
Pompey and the Pirates
Note: the so-called Gabinian Law, by which Pompey was granted extraordinary powers for dealing with piracy, was passed by the Roman popular assembly in the year 67 b.c. Plutarch: 1 The power of the pirates first started in Cilicia {i.e., modern Turkey adjacent to the northeasternmost corner of the Mediterranean Sea} from precarious and unnoticed beginnings, but gained arrogance and boldness in the Mithridatic War, when they manned the king’s crews. Then while the Romans were clashing in civil war with one another about the gates of Rome, the seas lay unguarded and they were little by little enticed and led on no longer merely to fall upon those plying the seas, but even to ravage islands and seacoast towns. And now even men of great wealth, of noble birth, of outstanding reputation for good sense, embarked on and shared in these freebooting adventures as if this occupation brought honor and distinction. The pirates had anchorages and fortified beacon-towers in many places, and the fleets encountered there were fitted for their special task with excellent crews, skilled pilots, and swift, light vessels. But the envy they aroused and their ostentation were even more irksome than the dread they caused. Their ships had gilded flagmasts at the stern, purple hangings, and silvered oars, as if they reveled and gloried in their evildoing. There was music and dancing and carousal along every shore, generals were kidnaped, and cities were captured and freed on payment of ransom, to the disgrace of the Roman Empire. The pirate ships numbered over 1,000, and the cities taken by them, 400. They attacked and pillaged sanctuaries previously inviolate and unentered…. Appian: 2 Thus, in a very short time, they increased in number to tens of thousands. They dominated now not only the eastern waters, but the whole Mediterranean to the Pillars of Hercules. They now even vanquished some of the Roman generals in naval engagements, and among others the praetor of Sicily on the Sicilian coast itself. No sea could be navigated in safety, and land remained untilled for want of commercial intercourse. The city of Rome felt this evil most keenly, her subjects being distressed and herself suffering grievously from hunger by reason of her populousness. But it appeared to her to be a great and difficult task to destroy such large forces of seafaring men scattered everywhither on land and sea, with no heavy tackle to encumber their flight, sallying out from no particular country or visible places, having no property or anything to call their own, but only what they might chance to light upon. Thus the unexampled nature of this war, which was subject to no laws and had nothing tangible or visible about it, caused perplexity and fear. Murena had attacked them [84-83 b.c.], but accomplished nothing much, nor had Servilius Isauricus, who succeeded him [77-75 b.c.]. And now the pirates contemptuously assailed the very coasts of Italy, around Brundisium and Etruria, and seized and carried off some women of noble families who were traveling, and also two praetors with their very insignia of office. Cicero: 3 Who sailed the seas without exposing himself to the risk either of death or of slavery, sailing as he did either in winter or when the sea was infested with pirates? Who ever supposed that a war of such dimensions, so inglorious and so long-standing, so widespread and so extensive, could be brought to an end either by any number of generals in a single year or by single general in any number of years? What province did you keep free from the pirates during those years? What source of revenue was secure for you? What ally did you protect? To whom did your navy prove a defense? How many islands do you suppose were deserted, how many of your allies’ cities either abandoned through fear or captured by the pirates? But why do I remind you of events in distant places? Time was, long since, when it was Rome’s particular boast that the wars she fought were far from home and that the outposts of her empire were defending the prosperity of her allies, not the homes of her own citizens. Need I mention that the sea during those years was closed to our allies, when your own armies never made the crossing from Brundisium save in the depth of winter? Need I lament the capture of envoys on their way to Rome from foreign countries, when ransom has been paid for the ambassadors of Rome? Need I mention that the sea was unsafe for merchantmen, when twelve lictors fell into the hands of pirates? Need I record the capture of the noble cities of Cnidus and Colophon and Samos and countless others, when you well know that your own harbors — and those, too, through which you draw the very breath of your life — have been in the hands of the pirates? Are you indeed unaware that the famous port of Caieta [present-day Gaeta, c. 70 miles {115 km} southeast of Rome], when crowded with shipping, was plundered by the pirates under the eyes of a praetor, and that from Misenum the children of the very man [Marcus Antonius] who had previously waged war against the pirates were kidnaped by the pirates? Why should I lament the reverse at Ostia {Rome’s own port}, that shameful blot upon our commonwealth, when almost before your own eyes the very fleet which had been entrusted to the command of a Roman consul was captured and destroyed by the pirates? Appian: 4 When the Romans could no longer endure the damage and disgrace they made Gnaeus Pompey, who was then their man of greatest reputation, commander by law for three years, with absolute power over the whole sea within the Pillars of Hercules, and of the land for a distance of 400 stadia {perhaps 80 km or 50 miles 5} from the coast. They sent letters to all kings, rulers, peoples, and cities, instructing them to aid Pompey in everything, and they gave him power to raise troops and collect money there. And they furnished a large army from their own muster roll, and all the ships they had, and money to the amount of 6,000 Attic talents — so great and difficult did they consider the task of overcoming such great forces, dispersed over so wide a sea, hiding easily in so many coves, retreating quickly and darting out again unexpectedly. Never did any man before Pompey set forth with such great authority conferred upon him by the Romans. Presently he had an army of 120,000 foot and 4,000 horse, and 270 ships including hemiolii [these were swift vessels, lightly manned]. He had twenty-five assistants of senatorial rank, whom the Romans call legates, among whom he divided the sea, giving ships, cavalry, and infantry to each, and investing them with the insignia of praetors, in order that each one might have absolute authority over the part entrusted to him, while he, Pompey, like a king of kings, should move to and fro among them to see that they remained where they were stationed so that, while he was pursuing the pirates in one place, he should not be drawn to something else before his work was finished, but that there might be forces to encounter them everywhere and to prevent them from forming junctions with each other…. Thus were the commands of the praetors arranged for the purpose of attacking, defending, and guarding their respective assignments, so that each might catch the pirates put to flight by others, and not be drawn a long distance from their own stations by the pursuit, nor carried round and round as in a race, thus dragging out the task. Pompey himself made a tour of the whole. He first inspected the western stations, accomplishing the task in forty days, and passing through Rome on his return. Thence he went to Brundisium, and proceeding from this place he occupied an equal time in visiting the eastern stations. He astonished all by the rapidity of his movement, the magnitude of his preparations, and his formidable reputation, so that the pirates, who had expected to attack him first, or at least to show that the task he had undertaken against them was no easy one, became straightway alarmed, abandoned their assaults upon the towns they were besieging, and fled to their accustomed peaks and inlets. Thus the sea was cleared by Pompey forthwith without a fight, and the pirates were everywhere subdued by the praetors at their several stations. Pompey himself hastened to Cilicia with forces of various kinds and many engines, as he expected that there would be need of every kind of fighting and siege against their precipitous peaks; but he needed nothing. His fame and preparations had produced a panic among the pirates, and they hoped that if they did not resist they might receive lenient treatment. First, those who held Cragus and Anticragus, their largest citadels, surrendered themselves, and after them the mountaineers of Cilicia, and finally all, one after another. They gave up at the same time a great quantity of arms, some completed, others in the workshops; also their ships, some still on the stocks, others already afloat; also brass and iron collected for building them, and sailcloth, rope, and timber of all kinds; and finally, a multitude of captives either held for ransom or chained to their tasks. Pompey burned the timber, carried away the ships, and sent the captives back to their respective countries. Many of them found there their own cenotaphs, for they were supposed to be dead. Those pirates who had evidently fallen into this way of life not from wickedness, but from poverty consequent upon the war, Pompey settled in Mallus, Adana, and Epiphania, or any other uninhabited or thinly peopled town in Cilicia Trachea. Some of them, too, he sent to Dymae in Achaea. Thus the war against the pirates, which it was supposed would prove very difficult, was brought to an end by Pompey in a few days.
He took 71 ships by capture and 306 by surrender from the pirates, and about 120 of their cities, fortresses, and other places of rendezvous.
About 10,000 of the pirates were slain in battle.
References
1
Plutarch, Life of Pompey, xxiv.
2
Appian, Roman History, xii. xiv. 93; from LCL.
Quoted from Roman Civilization Sourcebook, Volume I: The Republic, Edited with Notes by Naphtali Lewis and Meyer Reinhold, Harper Torchbooks: The Academy Library, Harper & Row, New York, 1966;
3
Cicero, In Favor of the Manilian Law, xi. 31 − xii. 33; from LCL.
Quoted from Roman Civilization Sourcebook, Volume I: The Republic, Edited with Notes by Naphtali Lewis and Meyer Reinhold, Harper Torchbooks: The Academy Library, Harper & Row, New York, 1966;
4
Appian, Roman History, xii. xiv. 5 1 Greek stadium varied locally between 154 and 215 meters, according to this article: “The Earth: Its Properties, Composition, and Structure: The figure and dimensions of the Earth: Determination of the Earth’s figure: a historical review,” Encyclopædia Britannica, CD 2002 Edition, Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc. Notes within curly braces {} are by Impearls editor Michael McNeil. Impearls: 2004-05-23 Archive Earthdate 2004-05-19
Earthdate 2004-05-06's issue of the journal Nature has a fascinating news item about the beautiful 1539 Scandinavia map created by Olaus Magnus, a Swedish priest, excerpted above. Click on this link for the complete map (courtesy James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota). Magnus's map, as with many antique maps, is illuminated with sea monsters and fabulous beasts, while amongst them, on the sea to the east and south of Iceland, swirl seemingly decorative vortices. Now we learn that the eddies aren't decorative. Tom Rossby, an oceanographer at the University of Rhode Island, Kingston, first noticed the resemblances between the swirls on Magnus's map and thermal images from Earth observation satellites. As the Nature piece notes: 1
Accurate mariners' information must have made it to Magnus while he was composing the data for the map.
Reference
1
Nature,
Vol. 429, Issue No. 6987 (Issue dated
Figure
f1
Olaus Magnus' Map of Scandinavia 1539,
courtesy University of Minnesota, James Ford Bell Library.
UPDATE: 2009-12-23 05:30 UT: Changed image host for the map to Flickr. Added caption. Labels: eddies, Faroe Islands, Iceland, James Ford Bell Library, Olaus Magnus, Scandinavia, Tom Rossby, University of Minnesota, University of Rhode Island Kingston, vortices Impearls: 2004-05-23 Archive Earthdate 2004-05-18
Iraqi History, Cold War Incidents, and Leftist Propaganda
Leftist polemics with regard to the Iraq war and indeed just about any situation involving the United States exhibit a pervasive tendency to invoke decades-old historical incidents in order to bash America. A recent example involving Iraqi history is typical, though many such arrive from much further back. A correspondent on a leftist mailing list put it this way:
Notice how quickly, within a few words, the conversation moves from meekly speaking of “allegedly” (alleged by whom left unsaid — the KGB?) to talk reeking of the certainty of guilt for that murderous fury — guilt not of Iraqis, naturally, but the United States! Yes, let's discuss this historical event. The parts of this essay follow below for normal scroll-downing convenience. Following is the index:
Iraqi History
Consulting Encyclopædia Britannica (CD 1997) for context, first from Britannica's biography of 'Abd al-Karim Qasim, prime minister of Iraq (via a 1958 coup) prior to the Baathists:
Looking over this history, two points become clear. This tale of Iraqi turbulence doesn't sound very different from Iraq's history for the subsequent four decades. Moreover, Qasim in particular had alienated virtually all segments of Iraqi society by the time he was overthrown. His major political opponent, whom he had previously purged, along with dissident army elements, fearful of his already wide-ranging purges throughout the military corps, got together and killed him. There's manifestly nothing in this sorry story that requires any “assist” by the CIA. Quoting further, from Britannica's article “Iraq, History of”:
Sound like any other caudillos you know? Kuwait was never part of Iraq, by the way; as another article in Encyclopædia Britannica makes clear, foundation of the autonomous sheikdom of Kuwait dates back to 1756, while (unlike Iraq) it was never a part of the Turkish Empire.
One can see why leftists love this guy.
Once again, not very much different from the forty years that followed in Iraq. Notice the comment: “… the only great power with which he remained friendly was the Soviet Union.” Even after Qasim's overthrow, the Soviet Union would continue to be fast friends with Saddam Hussein's Iraq — plus getting additional road mileage out of blaming the U.S. for Qasim's overthrow to boot!
Who supported Iraq?
The pervasive leftist mantra that the U.S. was Iraq's major backer during the years before Saddam's Kuwait invasion (and therefore, they say, he shouldn't have been overthrown) is wildly off the mark. It's not U.S.-built Iraqi equipment that coalition forces destroyed during the first and second Gulf Wars — it's Soviet, with a leavening of French and numerous other sources — before you get anywhere near down to a contribution as small as America's. See the chart below (which one can also find here, thanks to The Command Post) for a breakdown of military aid to Iraq during the years 1973-1990; figures are from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). Notice that the U.S. provided only 1% of Iraq's weaponry during this period, with American support trailing a long list of other countries: the Soviet Union (the vast majority of Iraqi arms came from the USSR), France, China, Czechoslovakia, Poland — and then the little guys: Brazil, Egypt, Romania, Denmark, and Libya — before you arrive at the U.S.'s contribution!
Even the extent to which the U.S. did support Saddam's Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war is not indicative of any deep connection. As I recall what was going on during those years (yes, I was around back then), the general feeling was “a pox on both your houses” (Iran and Iraq), with the proviso that we should at least help Iraq to the extent of preventing Iran from overrunning the country, along with next door Kuwait and Saudi Arabia — which would have left radical Islamist Iran firmly in charge with the world's energy gonads in its hands. Thus, some assistance, mainly intelligence, was given by the U.S. to Saddam's Iraq, but not much — and as a result Iraq did survive (barely) Iran's assault. (And yes, Saddam originally started that war, but that's not when our aid to Iraq occurred, rather it was later on in the war when Iraq was on the ropes.) As to why America felt it necessary to employ surrogates, however disreputable, in waging struggles abroad during those years — even under, as leftists liked to call him, “top-gun” president “Ronald Raygun” — see the historical topic Vietnam syndrome. Grenada was more Reagan's speed, I'm afraid (but he did have the Soviet Union to contend with, and those were the times).
Stupidity of the Argument
Even if the United States had enthusiastically, substantively supported Saddam throughout his dictatorial regime, that still doesn't obscure the extraordinary stupidity of the entire line of argument which says that any subsequent change of policy is therefore both hypocritical (horror of horrors!) and, even more questionably, wrong! Since the left seems too close to the issue to consider it rationally, let's use another example: Suppose George W. Bush decided one fine day to adopt some policy that the left really likes — say, government guaranteed full employment for everyone. Now I'm sure that wouldn't change the left's hatred of Bush, and everybody would try to obtain political advantage out of the controversy — but is anyone on that side seriously going to say, “No, we can't do it. That would be a change of policy, and therefore hypocritical!” Not likely. No, the left only finds policy changes objectionable and therefore “hypocritical” when the new policy is one they don't like. Or, look at World War II. The western Europeans had been “supporting” Hitler for years, by allowing him to roam through Europe picking up pieces as he went — the Rhineland, Austria, the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia. You remember: “Peace in our time!” But when Hitler actually invaded Poland (to whom Britain and France were allied), they declared war on him. How very hypocritical of them! Stalin's Soviet Union may provide an even more illuminating example for leftists. Stalin collaborated with Hitler by making a friendship pact with him and helped out by taking responsibility for divvying up half of Poland (grabbing the Baltic states and a big chunk of Finland while he was at it). Stalin naively trusted Hitler to such an extent that he ignored his own army's intelligence warnings that Hitler was preparing to attack him — and, as a result, the USSR's loses were phenomenal when Hitler launched the assault. Nevertheless, despite the modern left's no doubt considering the change of policy “hypocritical,” the Soviets — or rather the peoples of that vast “prison of nations” known as the Soviet Union — fought back and repelled the German invader. Thus, we see the left's whole line of argument here is basically absurd! And for those who ask, “When did they (Saddam or Iraq) attack us?” — the answer is March 17, 1987 (Earthdate
The Unmentionable Elephant
One other thing, an unmentionable elephant, must be discussed. The left constantly attacks America via these old allegations of CIA involvement in virtually every disturbance round the world during those years, and certainly, while the CIA was involved in some such, it's always presented as if the U.S. were merely arrogantly, insanely meddling for meddling's sake, beating up on these poor, innocent locals who are only the victims. The above bit of Iraqi history ought to make plain that many folk involved in this and other disturbances in countries round the world during this time were far from innocents themselves. But way beyond that, there's a big beast lurking in the room that nobody (on the left anyway) ever mentions in this context: a little detail known as the Cold War. For many decades, most of the latter half of the 20th century, an actual war — sometimes hot, sometimes waged by surrogates, sometimes cold — took place between two divergent world systems, with profound implications for human rights and happiness. Now the far left, of course (allowing for schismatics), has typically considered the Soviet Union to be their baby (British Labour MP George Galloway, for instance, called the collapse of the USSR the worst day of his life). The leftist "party line" has almost always followed the propaganda of the Soviets in promoting its “victim” status in the cold war, while excoriating the role of America. (And no, don't tell me about all the objections schismatic groups like the SWP have had to Stalin; they still support his “resistance” to America.) Calling the cold war America's fault, as the left likes to, is revisionist history, to say the least. Even though mistakes certainly were made in America's conduct of the cold war (as indeed mistakes are made are in abundance in all wars), personally I'm quite happy that the Soviet Union fell, and the tens of thousands of nuclear weapons on both sides, fingers hanging over buttons, were relaxed from that terrifying standoff. Clearly “better Red than dead” wasn't the only viable game in town. Leaving the cold war totally out of the equation, as the left attempts to — while savagely attacking America's role (even though it only be an alleged role in many incidents freely utilized for this purpose, such as the Iraqi case we've been discussing) — amounts basically to lying, to use one of the left's favorite terms these days, about what actually occurred. Nor is it “McCarthyist” to point out this truth.
The Crowning Irony
There is one final, grand irony about the left's incessant charges of American perfidy during the cold war. Many of the cases most cited — and which really may have had CIA involvement, e.g., overthrow of Mosaddeq in Iran in 1953, or Arbenz in 1954 in Guatemala — occurred fifty years ago. Simultaneous to this artificially generated hubbub over long-ago historic events, the leadership of the so-called “anti-war” movement — i.e., the leadership of ANSWER (the misnamed “Act Now to Stop War and End Racism”) and similar groups — are socialists: the very same leaders who are also the top cadres of, for example, the Workers World Party in the case of ANSWER, the Socialist Workers Party in the case of “anti-war” organizations in Britain. These charges have been made not by right-wing zealots but by leftist observers themselves; see this fascinating expose, for example, by David Corn (Washington editor for the leftwing The Nation magazine), called “Behind the Placards: The odd and troubling origins of today's anti-war movement,” which clearly shows how the leadership of the WWP and ANSWER are largely one and the same. Similar connections have been documented in Britain -- for example, this piece in the British paper The Guardian — where Jimmy Barnes, “veteran leftwing secretary of the trade union CND [Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament] movement,” reveals the links between the leadership of the British Socialist Workers Party and organizations like the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and the Stop the War coalition. David Corn, in the above expose, writes about the Workers World Party:
“Anti-war” activists attending ANSWER et al.-sponsored events (even if they profess not to support the full socialist agenda of these radical Stalinist organizations) typically express no concern over the leadership of ANSWER and its allies. The ANSWER folks are “great organizers” — they get the buses and banners to those occasions — who cares what their politics is! The cause is what's important! Come again? Stalin is generally (by other than far leftists) acknowledged to have murdered tens of millions of people during the last century — everybody from millions of massacred, slightly well-off peasants; thousands shot in the head in his insane purges; who knows how many more (hundreds of thousands?) who died in the Siberian gulags — not to speak of the literally billions whom he and subsequent Soviet leaders threatened for decades with nuclear annihilation. Most non far-leftist people would consider Stalin (and pretty much the whole coterie of Bolsheviks) pretty much on the same level as Hitler — two peas in a pod. Let me ask you: if someone were to tell you he was going off to attend a Nazi-sponsored event — however laudable its expressed goal — would you think there's no moral taint to the occasion? But the crowning irony is this: the mass of “anti-war activists” at these demonstrations revel in excoriating the United States, pointedly critiquing it for (rather understandable, I'd say, given the extreme peak of struggle during the cold war, but irregardless decades-old) covert interference in the internal affairs of unfriendly regimes, and support given to various authoritarian but “anti-communist” dictators — most of which occurred decades before the majority of the demonstrators were born. Meanwhile, the demonstrators' leadership (ANSWER et al.) simultaneously supports and is helping in every way they can the very worst dictators and tin-pot Islamist Caliphate-builders around the world, today not decades ago — the worst starvers, enslavers, and torturers — and at the very time when America is finally trying to get out of the dictators propping-up game!
UPDATE:
2004-05-27 19:00 UT:
Joe Katzman at
Winds of Change
has
linked to
this piece, calling it
“a historical timeline of sorts on Iraq post-WW2 —
start here, and scroll down.
From the collapse of the monarchy, to the rise of the Ba'ath, to Iraq's status as a Soviet client state.
For good measure, Mike gets in a few hard kicks at attempts to blame the USA for Saddam.”
Impearls: 2004-05-23 Archive Earthdate 2004-05-08
Robert A. Heinlein and Albert Einstein on Immortality
Noted science fiction author Robert A. Heinlein passed on 16 years ago today. On this anniversary of his death it's worthy remembering a passage near the end of Heinlein's Farnham's Freehold, where after being returned thousands of years back into the past to arrive before the nuclear conflagration which started the whole story off, Hugh and Barbara Farnham stop by their old household…: 1
Certain passages in Heinlein's books (a certain naivete about relativity) reveal that he wasn't much of an Einstein reader, but it turns out Albert Einstein said much the same thing, in a letter of condolence to the sister and son of his long-time closest friend, upon his death, four weeks before Einstein's own. 2 (Albert's anniversary of passing, by the way, occurred two weeks ago on April 18, 49 years ago.)
Thus, rest in peace, Heinlein and Einstein; or rather, live where you are — in spacetime.
UPDATE: 2004-05-23 05:00 UT: Jeff Soyer at Alphecca has linked to this piece, with the comment: “By now, most of you know I'm a huge sci-fi reader. And science reader. So is Michael at Impearls with this remembrance [pointing here] from Heinlein's Farnham's Freehold on the anniversary of Heinlein's death. “Naturally, Bill at the Heinlein Blog
remembers, too.”
Bill's Heinlein Blog piece, well worth reading in its own right, points in turn to
this essay
at the Heinlein Society by J. Neil Schulman, which attempts to put Heinlein's work in perspective.
References 1 Robert A. Heinlein, Farnham's Freehold, The New American Library, Signet Books, New York, 1964; pp. 246-247. 2 Albert Einstein, in a letter of condolence to the sister and son of Michele Besso, Einstein's long-time closest friend, on his death, 4 weeks before Einstein's, 1955.
Impearls: 2004-05-23 Archive Earthdate 2004-05-05
Timor and East Timor – A history
Joel at the superb Asia-Pacific oriented
Far Outliers
blog has posted several articles recently on Timor (an island a bit smaller than British Columbia's Vancouver Island, a fifth larger than Sicily, and half again the size of the state of Israel, just for comparison purposes), together with the new nation of East Timor (itself incorporating three-quarters the area of Israel, along with one-sixth its population) which occupies the island's eastern half — see, for instance, Joel's piece
here.
This article,
however, is particularly intriguing, linking to a book by the Australian National University called
Out of the Ashes: Deconstruction and Reconstruction of East Timor,
which it notes is “a collection of essays that examine the historical background to developments in East Timor and provide political analysis on the initial reconstruction stage in the country's transition to independence.”
Joel's Far Outliers' piece quotes extensively from Out of the Ashes' fascinating chapter on the historical background of Timor, within which one can find the above map illustrating the languages of Timor. (Don't miss much other captivating stuff on that same Far Outliers' archive page.)
Impearls: 2004-05-23 Archive Earthdate 2004-05-01
Today is May Day, May 1st. People in America are often vaguely aware that other regions of the world, especially Europe and leftist-impressed parts, celebrate May Day as the occasion for a pro-labor holiday, the equivalent of the U.S.'s Labor Day held in the fall. Few Americans, however, recall that this day actually commemorates events which occurred in the United States, in Chicago, on and after May 1, 118 years before this day. Fifteen years ago, three years after the centenary, I posted the progenitor of this polemic on the Usenet (aka Newsgroups). Rather than emphasizing the labor aspect of this day in history, it presents the historic May Day as an abject example of the dangers in application of the death penalty by society, with the certainty that innocents will be executed in error if capital punishment is employed to any significant degree. I believe this subject is even more pertinent today than it was then. While discussing how many (not whether) people have been executed in error, “let's remember,” as Studs Terkel put it in an essay on the May 1, 1986 [earthdate 1986-05-01], MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour, “the one-hundredth anniversary of the Haymarket Tragedy, more often remembered as the Haymarket Riot.” Terkel went on: 1
For additional context concerning these events, we'll consult Encyclopædia Britannica: 2
One of those “inflammatory leaflets,” as Britannica put it, was visible during Terkel's presentation. It read:
Just terrible, isn't it? Now some will no doubt reply, “Damn anarchists, throwing bombs! They obviously deserved it!” I'd like to refer those people to the Britannica text: “… an unknown murderer, with whom their connection was not demonstrated.” Does society really want to convict and execute people in the heat of a public passion? (I'm sure that if you were a speaker at a public rally, exercising your constitutional rights of free speech and assembly, and some stupid idiot or provocateur were to throw a bomb, and you were arrested for murder — you'd certainly want a speedy trial followed by quick execution, wouldn't you!) Now, some may protest, “We don't mean to kill suspects that fast! Plenty of safeguards would remain in place to prevent innocent folk from being caught up in the process!” I'd like to point out that the executions in the above case, though occurring over a century ago with fewer safeguards, didn't take place until eighteen months after the bombing. How fast is fast enough, but still slow enough not to execute innocents? Answer: zero speed is safest, because it can take a long time, sometimes forever, for the facts about a frameup or mistake to come out, but the slower the better, because it's no use apologizing to a corpse. (Though corpses do have the distinct advantage of not complaining overly much about it afterwards — their relatives are a different matter.) Many people really seem to believe the adage, “where there's smoke, there's fire.” In my view, a comeback on this old saw (attributed to John F. Kennedy, I believe) is almost as likely to be true in a given case: “Where there's smoke, you'll usually find someone running a smoke-making machine!” In the frameup case we've been considering, it's nice that three of the men were still alive to receive the state's “apology” seven years later. Too bad about the other four — oh yes, and the person driven to suicide. No doubt, someone is now harrumphing, “Always safeguarding the rights of criminals. What about the victims of today's killers!” I'm very sympathetic to the rights and plight of the victims of crime. My sister-in-law, in fact, a wonderful child only 14 years of age, was murdered years ago, and her killer, a robber, got off with a mere couple years in the hoosegow. That's not right. However, if an innocent person is executed by the state, that person is a victim, an entirely preventable victim, and we, society, are the murderer! Nor can evidence in criminal trials ever be made perfect enough that fraud or mistakes can be ruled out in all cases. After all, convictions in the U.S. occur to the standard of beyond a reasonable doubt — not, say, beyond a shadow of a doubt — and even if the latter were to become the criterion in capital cases, errors and frameups could still occur. Murder by society can be prevented, of course, by not executing people. It may seem like a poor apology to an innocent imprisoned victim when such an error is discovered many years later, but if prisoners are kept alive and not executed, one can simply extricate them from jail, dust them off, and send them on their way to live out the remainder of their lives — which is a whole lot better than the alternative; as I say, apologies are no use to a corpse. One of the most pernicious arguments used purportedly in support of capital punishment that I've seen, however, goes something like this: “We've got to kill them quickly, otherwise those [commie, pinko, liberal: insert one or more] judges will just let them out again to murder some more!” This is absurd. It's already necessary to modify the criminal justice system to institute the desired quick executions. Why not change the system, since one has to anyway, so that murderers simply can't get out to kill again? The reply is that the first is politically feasible, while the second is politically impossible? Nonsense — it, the latter, is already happening. For a number of years now there has been a clear tendency towards mandatory sentences, restrictions on parole, more conservative judges, and so forth, which have the effect of reducing and greatly delaying the return of dangerous killers to the public. Some however (weakly) argue, “They might kill while they're in prison.” Come on, I seriously doubt many of the people now stacked up in the nation's maximum-security death rows, for instance, get many opportunities to kill anyone. If they do, those prisons aren't doing their jobs. And if people do have opportunities to murder while they're awaiting execution, how does one plan on preventing the numerous people that one would put on death row from killing? Execute all prisoners the day they're arrested? Some, finally, may cry, “A hundred years ago? That's ancient history! Nothing like that could happen today!” They're probably correct; such an event quite likely couldn't happen today — precisely because of the severe constraints, delays, and multiple levels of appeal that accompany application of the capital penalty in the present day. But it's those very restraints that many people would now have us dramatically relax! As to whether a hundred years is “ancient” or not — I'm pleased to have lived for more than a third of a century myself. That time doesn't seem very long at all. My parents are now three-quarters of their way to a century. People now living remember those days, 103 years ago — it's not that far removed from our time. Some would have us bring those days back! Why don't death penalty advocates tell the truth — that what they're really seeking is just blood for blood? If the answer is the truth would be bad politics, that's likely correct, but the pro-capital punishment rationale typically propounded in public is really quite disingenuous. T. S. Eliot's penetrating wit is apt here: 3
Advent of DNA evidence in the intervening years since this piece was posted dramatically reveals that I was being far too sanguine about how effective present day safeguards actually are in preventing false convictions, as this article a couple weeks back in the New York Times makes plain: 4 “Comprehensive study of 328 criminal cases over last 15 years in which convicted person was exonerated suggests there are thousands of innocent people in prison today.”
Beyond that, recent hints that executed Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh may have had connections with Islamic terrorism emphasizes the point that even when guilt has been established nearly to “beyond a shadow of a doubt” in a given case, it perhaps still doesn't make sense to destroy the most important repository of information and evidence about that case — that is, the brain of the criminal, e.g. Timothy McVeigh — even though it also preserves the mind of a mass murderer.
Note that I wouldn't make his time in prison comfortable.
References
1 Studs Terkel essay, PBS MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour, broadcast 1986-05-01. 2 “Haymarket Riot,” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., Chicago, 1974, Micropaedia, Vol. IV, p. 967. 3 T. S. Eliot, in “Little Gidding,” 1942.
4
Adam Liptak,
“Study Suspects Thousands of False Convictions,”
The New York Times,
Issue date UPDATE: 2004-05-05 07:00 UT: Joel at the intriguing Asia-Pacific oriented Far Outliers blog has linked to this piece. Labels: death penalty, Haymarket massacre, labor movement, May Day
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